- Abkhazia by John Colarusso
- The Stalin-Beria Terror in Abkhazia, 1936-1953, by Stephen D. Shenfield
- The International Legal Status of the Republic of Abkhazia In the Light of International Law, by Viacheslav Chirikba
- Why Can Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili Not Emulate Willi Brandt? by Liz Fuller
- Commentary on the Resolution of the European Parliament for Georgia, 17 November 2011
- Kosovo or Abkhazia: Contrasts and Comparisons
- International law and the Russian “occupation” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, by Richard Berge
- 'Absence of Will': A commentary, prepared by Metin Sönmez
- Documents from the KGB archive in Sukhum. Abkhazia in the Stalin years, by Rachel Clogg
- On the 20th anniversary of the start of Georgia’s war against Abkhazia, by Stanislav Lakoba
- Military Aspects of the War. The Battle for Gagra (The Turning-point), by Dodge Billingsley
- Alleged human rights violations during the conflict in Abkhazia | Amnesty International, 1993
- A reply to Paul Henze’s views on Georgia, by George Hewitt - February 1993
- Ossetia-Georgia-Russia-U.S.A. Towards a Second Cold War?, by Noam Chomsky
- Thinking the Unthinkable: What if Georgia and the West Were to Recognize Abkhazia and South Ossetia? by Paul Goble
- A Chance to Join the World, by Neal Ascherson
- Hitler calls on Georgians to win back Abkhazia
- Opinion: Hottentot morality - Uri Avnery
- Abkhazia: A Broken Paradise, by Georgi Derluguian
- Baron Pyotr Karlovich Uslar: Inventor of the First Abkhaz Alphabet, by Stephen D. Shenfield
- Lesson to the West: Abkhazian independence is a fact, by Inal Khashig
- Abkhazia, from conflict to statehood, by George Hewitt
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|It is terrible, not to say a horror! By Inal Khashig|
|Articles - Analysis|
|Saturday, 05 May 2012 21:38|
Ekho Kavkaza -- The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Abkhazia, dissatisfied with the refusal to register very serious incidents in the border-area, including several murders, slammed the "door" in the face of the head of EU Monitoring Mission in Georgia, General Andrzej Tyszkiewicz. Now the road to Abkhazia is for him barred – the Pole has been declared ‘persona non grata’. Naturally, the EU has not stood aside but has stood up for their representative. Catherine Ashton has done this herself.
If the EU had expressed in such strong terms their dissatisfaction with Georgia on this or that occasion, then Tbilisi, as has happened more than once, would have expressed deep remorse and would have tried, bowing and curtseying the while, to recoup the situation from a safe distance. But, unlike the Georgians, the Abkhazians could be tipped into a deep swoon by a screech from the EU – it does not, after all, sound to them at all like the voice of God. Whilst European bureaucrats might strive to give Abkhazia a dressing down for improper behaviour, in Sukhum this is perceived as a scene from some infinitely distant Broadway show, amusing but totally divorced from real life. Their scorn is completely understandable. Abkhaz-European cooperation, already stalled at each bump in the road, after the recognition of Abkhazia's independence by Russia, became altogether an issue in itself. It is not that the EU is no longer interested in Abkhazia – it still is; all the programmes are now simply conditional upon the categorical imperative: any help or cooperation is to be offered courtesy only of Georgian palms. The Abkhazians, even during the blockade of the nineties, tried to reject such proposals, and now, when most of the problems are solved by Russian money, "stale honey-cakes" from Brussels attract them no more than a serious art-collector is attracted by cheap souvenir postcards.
Nevertheless, we cannot say that Europe is of no interest to the Abkhazians. It is of interest. It is just that the conditions for possible cooperation discourage any desire to pursue it. Boris Yeltsin, trying to help his friend Eduard Shevardnadze crush the Abkhazians, once drove us into a total economic blockade and political isolation, the result of which was universal and grinding poverty. Under Putin, the policy changed dramatically. The Kremlin lifted the blockade and began to grant citizenship and pensions, to repair roads, schools and hospitals, to help the Abkhazian army, etc. And all without any onerous conditions. Later – after recognition – Moscow began to insist on certain obligations in exchange for aid, but this happened when Abkhazia and was already deeply integrated into the Russian space.
This article was published by Ekho Kavkaza and is translated from Russian.