Liana Kvarchelia: “Our Diaspora Must Be Prepared for Every Possible Scenario Concerning Abkhazia”

We are publishing an interview conducted by Anıt Baba (Papba), editor of the Altınpost Abkhazia news website, with Liana Kvarchelia of the Centre for Humanitarian Programmes in Abkhazia. The interview was originally published by Altınpost in Turkish on 19 June 2026.

Anıt Baba (Papba): Liana, you are widely regarded as one of the foremost figures associated with Abkhazia's foreign policy. How was Abkhazia's foreign policy shaped over the years? Could you tell us about your first contacts with Vladislav Ardzinba and your participation in international negotiations?

Liana Kvarchelia: I have been working at the Centre for Humanitarian Programmes since 2000. Before that, I worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served as an interpreter under the administration of Abkhazia's first President, Vladislav Ardzinba. I accompanied President Ardzinba and the Abkhaz delegation during negotiations in Geneva and New York.

At that time, Abkhazia had not yet been recognised internationally. Although it had been the victim of military aggression, the international community continued to recognise Georgia's territorial integrity. During the first rounds of negotiations, commonly referred to as Geneva I and Geneva II, discussions focused on issues such as the ceasefire, the deployment of peacekeeping forces on both sides of the border, and the role of the co-chairs of the negotiation process. Recognition of Abkhazia as an independent state was not yet on the agenda.

However, after those negotiations failed and Georgian forces entered the lower part of the Gal District in the late 1990s, Abkhazia organised a referendum. On 3 October 1999, the people of Abkhazia voted in favour of the Constitution of the sovereign Abkhaz state, after which the Act of Independence was adopted.

– Given the current international situation, has the level and scope of Abkhazia's relationship with Russia become an unavoidable necessity?

Following the August 2008 war and Georgia's effective move to end the presence of Russian peacekeeping forces, the Russian Federation recognised Abkhazia as an independent state.

In addition to being the principal guarantor of our security, Russia has invested heavily in developing the infrastructure of Abkhazia and supporting socio-economic projects after many years of blockade.

Unfortunately, despite repeated appeals to other countries, our international recognition has not expanded. Georgia's Law on Occupied Territories, adopted after 2008, has imposed severe restrictions on our communication with the outside world. Since Abkhaz passports are not recognised internationally, the Russian Federation has effectively become Abkhazia's only gateway to the outside world, and the overwhelming majority of our citizens travel using Russian passports.

Following developments in Ukraine, however, the Council of Europe's decision not to recognise Russian passports issued in Abkhazia has further deepened the country's isolation.

– Is the North Caucasian and Abkhaz diaspora in Turkey fully aware of the extent of this isolation? Is the diaspora able to provide sufficient support to Abkhazia?

I believe our diaspora understands the situation very well, particularly because many repatriates from Turkey now live here.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Caucasian diaspora raised significant funds for Abkhazia, for which we remain deeply grateful. However, I do not believe our cultural and economic ties are as strong today as they could be. Because global sanctions affecting Russia have also directly affected us, even transferring money has become extremely difficult.

Today, one of the most important contributions the diaspora can make in the countries where they live is to challenge the myths spread by Georgia about Abkhazia, campaign against our isolation, and lobby for international recognition.

It is also extremely important to engage with the Turkish Parliament and other decision-making institutions to advocate for the opening of direct maritime links and for the recognition of the Abkhaz passport as a valid travel document.

– We are currently working to establish an "Abkhazia Friendship Group" in the Turkish Parliament, with the participation of around 40 to 50 members of parliament. Could such a group help explain the humanitarian consequences of Abkhazia's isolation directly to Turkish lawmakers? After all, we have relatives in Abkhazia, and like everyone else, we have the right to maintain these family ties.

This is an extremely interesting and important initiative.

Through virtual briefings and online conferences, members of parliament could be given a clear understanding of the true scale of Abkhazia's isolation. Representatives of our own parliament, officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and experts from civil society could all participate in such exchanges.

You are absolutely right. We are a divided nation, and our people unquestionably have the right to maintain direct contact with their relatives.

– Given the depth of Abkhazia's strategic relationship with Russia, why do such long queues still occur at the Psou border crossing? For example, could this border eventually function like those between many European countries, without passport controls? Likewise, could the Georgian border one day be opened for trade and cargo transport, similar to the arrangements between Moldova and Transnistria?

The difficulties at the Russian border are largely connected to the current military situation in the region and the related security concerns.

Before these developments, there had been efforts to build a second bridge in order to ease border crossings. I believe crossing procedures may become less restrictive in the future.

The situation with Georgia, however, is entirely different.

Georgia has never accepted responsibility for the conflict, refuses to recognise Abkhazia's independence, and continues to reject signing an agreement on the non-use of force. During the Geneva talks, it has consistently avoided concluding a peace agreement. Since 2008, Georgia has promoted a new narrative claiming that the conflict was not with Abkhazia but directly with Russia.

The international community continues to support Georgia and exerts no meaningful pressure on it. Although discussions are currently taking place regarding cargo transit from Russia to Georgia through Abkhazia, the key question remains under what conditions such arrangements would be implemented.

+ Liana Kvarchelia: “The decision of the European Union was not absolutely inevitable”

+ Abkhazia's foreign relations, by Liana Kvarchelia

+  Liana Kvarchelia: "They Called Us the Gudauta Separatists"

+ Georgia-Abkhazia Conflict: View from Abkhazia, by Liana Kvarchelia

– Following Azerbaijan's restoration of control over Karabakh through military force, are there people in Georgia who believe Abkhazia could also be brought back by military means? Should the diaspora prepare for the worst-case scenarios?

Unfortunately, such revanchist sentiments do exist in Georgia.

Through the education system, school textbooks and state-supported media, pseudo-scientific myths are promoted claiming that the Abkhazians are not indigenous to Abkhazia and only arrived there during the seventeenth century.

Today, Georgia's leadership may be acting more cautiously because of Russia's potential reaction. However, if circumstances change and conditions become more favourable for Georgia, we cannot rule out the possibility that these deeply rooted public attitudes could be used to justify another attempt to resolve the issue by force.

Any scenario is possible.

Our diaspora must also be prepared for that possibility.

– Finally, rather than allowing Abkhazia to become an arena of competition between Russia and Turkey, could it instead become a platform for cooperation? How do you see the possibility of Abkhazia, with its unique natural environment and culture, becoming a place where trade, culture and the arts flourish in peace and prosperity?

I believe that is both an achievable and an inspiring vision.

Russia, with whom we share longstanding historical ties and which guarantees our security, remains vital to our survival. At the same time, the presence of our diaspora in Turkey clearly demonstrates that we must preserve and strengthen our ties with our relatives there.

Neither side should be disregarded. On the contrary, there is ample room for cooperation without rivalry.

Despite the uncertainties facing the world today, we must continue to believe that reason and constructive approaches will ultimately prevail.

Given its unique potential, Abkhazia can certainly become a region where stability and peace are strengthened throughout the Caucasus.