Time for a Referendum, by Izida Chania
Time is relentless: the protracted era of Soviet party nomenklatura is fading into oblivion. Its central figures resist, attempting to either cling to power or pass on their positions, connections, and experience as a form of inheritance. They draw in external forces, former allies, and even opponents into their intrigues, laying the groundwork for civil discord in the country and, in doing so, undermining the foundations of statehood.
The treasury is empty, the energy sector and economy are in crisis. There is no money to pay for electricity or provide salaries for public sector employees. External and internal debts mount, while the ousted President Bzhania, having recovered from his failure, now boasts of extraordinary achievements on Russian media and promises his sponsors that, if restored to the presidential seat, they will gain the opportunity to purchase land, real estate, and more. Meanwhile, quiet but systematic efforts are underway on the flank of the former Prime Minister. Alexander Ankvab, having split from the ex-president, aims to protect his assets without attracting unnecessary attention. Bzhania needs Ankvab's electorate, and Ankvab knows this. Thus, on 2 December, the former president arrived in Abkhazia to rally his supporters and discuss the terms of backing a single candidate with the former prime minister in the upcoming presidential elections. A few dozen supporters, district administrators, and a couple of deputies greeted him at the border. The scene was pathetic, far from inspiring pride, but the negotiations began nonetheless.
On 17 December, the nomination of presidential candidates in Abkhazia will commence. One could, of course, immerse oneself in the games of corruption-enriched clans, observe with curiosity, make predictions, place bets, and drift along with the current. Or, one could make an effort to break free from this vicious cycle and not follow the familiar script.
Some might argue that it’s impossible to achieve this without stepping outside the "legal framework." Indeed, over the past five years, there has been a severe centralisation of power in a single pair of hands. A rigid vertical structure has been established, with all branches subordinated to a single authority, functioning in a remote, puppet-like mode. In the two weeks since the president's overthrow, neither Acting President Badr Gunba nor the 35 deputies of our parliament found the time to revoke the Russian-Abkhazian investment agreement, which served as the catalyst for the uprising. Furthermore, the authorities ignored the calls of legal experts, civil society, and certain members of parliament to postpone the elections and implement constitutional reforms that no longer meet "the challenges facing modern Abkhazia and require urgent amendments."
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It is worth recalling that the public demanded that deputies enshrine in the Constitution a mixed (majoritarian-proportional) electoral system for parliamentary elections, redistribute powers between branches of government to transition to a mixed (parliamentary-presidential) model, strengthen the independence of the judiciary, introduce the election of city and district heads, and establish an independent public broadcaster. However, no attempt was made to even discuss these public proposals. Parliament convened and, without any debate, simply set the date for the elections.
There is no hope that the people's representatives can be compelled to fulfil their direct duties, for them, the opinions of their voters are nothing more than background noise.
There are no truly hopeless situations. Breaking free from the vicious cycle of absurd laws and external impositions requires radical, revolutionary changes—specifically, reforming the electoral system and governance of the country. When trust in the executive, legislative, and judicial branches is absent, this can be achieved without descending into chaos through one of two means. First, there is the time-tested tool of direct democracy: the People’s Assembly. Second, the Constitution provides for another form of popular sovereignty, a referendum. This allows citizens to enact "laws and other decisions on the most important matters of state" through universal voting. A referendum can be initiated by the president, parliament, Supreme Court, or 25 citizens of the Republic of Abkhazia who collect 10,000 signatures from voters.
This is the most peaceful and least controversial way out of the political crisis. Failing to use this legal mechanism, a right granted to us by the Constitution, would be yet another missed opportunity. With the president's resignation, we now have the chance to conduct a referendum without incurring additional expenses, holding it simultaneously with the presidential elections. It is particularly gratifying to know that this does not require appeals or petitions to puppet institutions. All it takes is the will of the people to initiate a plebiscite. The referendum could either break the vicious cycle that has trapped us all or set into motion another round of the familiar spiral: elections, revolt, resignation, elections.
I firmly believe that the first option, breaking the vicious cycle. is in the best interests of the people and the state.
This article was published by Nuzhnaya Gazeta and is translated from Russian.