Diplomacy and Geopolitics: An Interview with Abkhazian Foreign Minister Sergey Shamba

On 6 August, Sergey Shamba was appointed as the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, marking a return to a role he has held twice before. The following interview, originally published by Sputnik Abkhazia, has been translated from Russian. In this conversation, Shamba discusses his first decision after his appointment, the changes in global diplomacy over the years, and how Abkhazia plans to respond to these shifts. He also addresses the potential for Belarus to recognise Abkhazia’s sovereignty. Read more in this interview conducted by Sputnik correspondent Badri Yesiava.

—  Mr Shamba, congratulations on your appointment. May I ask how it feels to return to the familiar walls of the Abkhazian Ministry of Foreign Affairs? Have many things changed over the years?

—  A great deal has changed. Even before, we faced challenging times. Abkhazian diplomacy was shaped amidst the clash of great diplomatic schools, and we were under significant pressure during the negotiation process to resolve the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict.

The negotiations involved some of the most powerful countries, namely the Russian Federation, the United States of America, France, the United Kingdom, and Germany. In addition, all the most significant humanitarian organisations were present in Abkhazia. In such circumstances, we defended our national interests.

The situation now is no less complex. There is a serious struggle to reshape the global system. We are witnessing the world transform from a unipolar system, which emerged after the collapse of the USSR, into a multipolar one. Such global scale processes have always been accompanied by significant upheavals.

History teaches us that the reorganisation of the global system has always been accompanied by wars. Today, we see events of this scale unfolding in Ukraine, with many countries around the world involved. We do not know how this will develop further, and therefore, unique conditions are emerging for Abkhazian diplomacy to prevent armed conflict.

We often hear from Georgian authorities that Georgia is being pushed towards opening a second front. We know that elections are scheduled in Georgia for the end of October, and it is often openly stated that if the opposition —supporters of Mikheil Saakashvili (former President of Georgia)— comes to power, armed aggression against Abkhazia may begin. We have heard this ourselves on multiple occasions, especially after the war between Azerbaijan and Karabakh, when the Georgian opposition called for revenge in Abkhazia. All these factors create significant tension, and therefore, Abkhazian diplomacy must work to prevent conflict.

Of course, we must be prepared for any developments, including the possibility of armed aggression, and we are doing just that. Recently, we have significantly strengthened our armed forces, and in addition, we have a strategic alliance with the Russian Federation, which provides us with strong security guarantees. We are confident in this. We are confident that we will defend our independence, but we do not want the casualties and destruction that a new war could bring.

The task of Abkhazian diplomacy is to prevent war. We must pursue this goal under challenging conditions because we live in a macro-region where the most serious global upheavals are taking place. This includes what is happening in Ukraine, the Middle East, and the Black Sea, which has recently become a theatre of confrontation where combat operations are taking place. An increasing number of NATO reconnaissance aircraft are appearing in its waters. This tension naturally concerns us. Therefore, the threats we face are numerous, and the tasks before Abkhazian diplomacy today are no fewer than before. This is what we will focus on.

— You have led the foreign policy department for many years; are you pleased to return to this position?

You know, I haven't just been a diplomat; I was also a scholar for many years, and I was a public figure when I headed the non-governmental organisation “Aydgylara” (‘Unity’). I was also a soldier during the war. I have been through all of that, but everything flows and changes, and as I return to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I must rethink it all. Although, in my previous position at the Security Council, I was practically dealing with the same issues.

During the 1992-1993 Georgian-Abkhazian war, Shamba served as First Deputy Minister of Defence. On 7 May 1997, he became Minister for Foreign Affairs, succeeding Konstantin Ozgan.

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— You’ve already mentioned the priorities for the Abkhazian Foreign Ministry and what still needs intensive work. Does the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have enough resources for this?

When I started working here, we had only 15 staff members. Today, the number of personnel has significantly increased. At one time, on our own initiative, we opened the Department of International Relations at Abkhazian State University. Many young people graduated from it and are now trained specialists. Many of them work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and many have passed through the Ministry and now work in various other structures.

Today, there are sufficiently prepared young people here. I am not yet well acquainted with all of them, but from what I see, there are creative young individuals here who are ready to tackle the complex tasks before us.

— Are there any plans for transformation in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, reorganisation, reduction, or an increase in the staff list?

The first thing I did was to bring back former foreign ministers Maxim Gvindzhia and Daur Kove as Ambassadors-at-Large. When I led the ministry, both were my deputies. Each of them subsequently headed the ministry after me, and quite successfully.

During their tenure as ministers, many agreements on recognising our independence were prepared, with Latin America, with Syria. So these are experienced individuals, and I did not want them to be lost to Abkhazian diplomacy. Therefore, I asked them to work, at least in the capacity of such assistants with the role of Ambassadors-at-Large.

We also decided that they, along with the current Deputy Ministers —Odysseus Bigvava and Irakli Tuzhba— would form an advisory council. This is the only staffing innovation I have implemented so far. There is no need to expand the staff as there are enough people here. Everything is well-structured, and I have no intention of changing anything.

— You mentioned the issue of recognising Abkhazia’s sovereignty. Is there reason to expect other countries to recognise Abkhazia’s sovereignty in the near future? For example, from Belarus. Recent contacts with them have been quite encouraging.

Such work is ongoing, but we do not want to publicise it, because influential states that oppose it would immediately get involved. We do not talk about it, but I must tell you that in the current environment of global system reorganisation and upheaval, we should not expect anything immediate. However, we do hope that the number of countries recognising Abkhazia’s sovereignty will increase.

It should be noted that this is more a matter of prestige than practical benefit for us. For small Abkhazia, Russia is a whole world. Through interaction with Russia, we can develop our economy; Russia provides a vast market for our products, and cooperation with Russia offers opportunities for our security. We can resolve all practical issues with Russia, but we want to remain open to the world and cooperate with other countries as well.

— Speaking of Belarus, what is stopping President Alexander Lukashenko from taking such a step?

I think that once the Special Military Operation in Ukraine is over, much will change. Then we will discuss this further.

— Just yesterday, the official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, stated that Moscow advocated for the development of an agreement on the non-use of force between Georgia, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia. Do you think this statement is based on certain unofficial agreements, and is Georgia ready to agree to this, or is it just another call to sit down at the negotiating table?

No. This issue has been discussed for many years in Geneva. As is known, at the Geneva discussions, the Abkhazian side constantly raises the issue of the need to conclude a non-use of force agreement. She (Zakharova) is talking about what is actually happening on the international stage.

Today, the Geneva process is the only opportunity for dialogue with various countries, including Georgia. There are no other platforms for this.

On 4 May 2006, Abkhazian President Sergey Bagapsh submitted a plan to Parliament titled ‘A Comprehensive Resolution to the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict’ known as ‘The Key to the Future.’ That same year, Shamba visited Tbilisi for talks with the Georgian side, but the negotiations could not progress further. In the video below, Georgian politician Paata Zakareishvili explains this process in the documentary 'Absence of Will'.

— Suppose Georgia agrees to Moscow's proposal. Considering that we do not see concrete results from the Geneva discussions, what are the prospects of a new negotiation format?

First of all, it is incorrect to say that there are no results from the Geneva discussions. The fact that we are talking is already an outcome. When diplomats are talking, the guns are silent.

Over 30 years after the war, we have nonetheless achieved significant results, and quick resolutions in diplomacy are rare. One of the issues we are raising in Geneva, and hope to eventually realise, is the prevention of a new war.

— Meanwhile, Georgia's rhetoric remains unchanged, and it stands firm in its position.

Water wears away stone. We will persistently and consistently defend our interests. Anyone who thinks that such issues are resolved quickly is mistaken.

—  In your opinion, have relations between Russia and Georgia moved from stagnation to cooperation, and should Abkhazia be concerned about this?

There are different opinions on this matter. I believe that the warming of relations between these countries is only beneficial for us. Any tension in the region impacts our development. I am in favour of a peaceful Caucasus. This is in the interest of all parties living here.

Speculations that improved relations between Russia and Georgia could negatively affect Abkhazia-Russia relations are, in my opinion, naive. I don’t know what would have to happen for a great country like Russia to reverse the significant step it took in 2008 by recognising the sovereignty of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Moreover, Maria Zakharova herself, in her interview, diplomatically made it clear that Russia has no such plans. When she talks about the need to delimit the borders between Abkhazia and Georgia, and between Tskhinval and Tbilisi, this means that delimitation is conducted between independent states.

— How are things progressing with the delimitation of the border in the Aibga area (where Russia has territorial claims over the Abkhazian village of Aibga and its surroundings – Ed.), and are negotiations still ongoing with the Russian side?

A commission has been established to address this issue. There are disputed areas and unresolved issues, but there are also matters on which both sides have reached an understanding. Certain work is being done in this regard.

Let me repeat: there can be no quick results in this matter. This issue has been on the table since the time I was Foreign Minister in 2007. Progress is gradual, but there are already agreed-upon solutions for certain sections.

—  Abkhazia has established strong and trusting relations with Russia, but as global practice shows, any relationship requires development. In your view, in which areas should cooperation be further enhanced, and what directions remain unexplored?

We have many agreements that have already been signed and are being successfully implemented, but there is still work to be done. This is a dynamic process. In the relationships between friendly states, there is always room for further development, and we have issues that remain on the agenda.

—  A few days ago, Ukrainian armed forces invaded the territory of Kursk and attempted to establish a foothold there. What do you think are the objectives of the Ukrainian army, and do they have any chance of success?

I think Ukraine hoped that by holding territory, it could later use it as a bargaining chip in negotiations, trading territory for other concessions. Essentially, it aims to secure a stronger position in the negotiation process. Of course, it is highly unlikely that they will achieve anything significant from this situation. In my view, this is an adventure doomed to fail from the start.

Sergey Shamba, born on 15 March 1951 in Gudauta, Abkhazia, is a prominent Abkhazian statesman, archaeologist, and Doctor of Historical Sciences. He graduated from Tbilisi State Pedagogical Institute in 1973. Shamba has held various significant roles: Chairman of "Aydgylara" (1990), First Deputy Minister of Defence (1993), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1997-2010), Prime Minister (2010), and Secretary of the Security Council (2020-present). He has authored four books and numerous scientific publications, contributing greatly to Abkhazia's national liberation movement and academic research.