Adgur Ardzinba: "Our Government Never Used to Hide Behind Fences"

Adgur Ardzinba, the head of the 'Abkhazian People's Movement' and a prominent leader among Abkhazia's opposition political groups, recently gave an in-depth interview to the Russian publication Vedomosti.

In the interview, Ardzinba reflects on the dramatic political changes in Abkhazia, stating, “Our government has never hidden behind fences. This is against the traditions of the Abkhazian people.” He strongly criticises the anti-people policies of former President Aslan Bzhania, emphasising, “What happened was entirely an internal political matter, rooted in Bzhania’s leadership failures, not anti-Russian sentiment.”

Ardzinba also addresses prospects for reconciliation with Tbilisi, making it clear that “Any steps towards normalisation must begin with recognising the historical and factual reality of Abkhazia’s independence.”

The interview, which explores the current political landscape, relations with Moscow, and ideas for governance reform, has been translated by AbkhazWorld for its readers.

"Our Government Never Used to Hide Behind Fences"

The leader of Abkhazia’s opposition discusses the political crisis, former president Bzhania, the investment agreement with Russia, and conditions for reconciliation with Georgia.

Adgur Ardzinba, a former Minister of Economy in Abkhazia and now the chairman of the opposition group "Abkhazian People's Movement," played a pivotal role in the November political crisis that led to a change of power in Sukhum.

The dramatic shift in Abkhazia’s leadership followed Russia’s decision to suspend aid to the republic until several agreements, including an investment agreement, were ratified. Events culminated on 15 November with the takeover of government buildings on the day discussions on the Moscow-backed agreement were planned. The agreement had sparked widespread dissatisfaction among many in Abkhazian society, leading to protests spearheaded by opponents of the president.

By the night of 19 November, following negotiations with the opposition, President Aslan Bzhania stepped down. Vice President Badra Gunba assumed the role of acting president until early elections could be held. Prime Minister Alexander Ankvab of this partially recognised state also resigned.

In his address to the Abkhazian people, Ardzinba referred to this as the end of the "acute phase of the political crisis linked to the former president" and described Bzhania’s resignation as "inevitable."

A Vedomosti correspondent visited Sukhum to interview one of Abkhazia’s opposition leaders about the upcoming elections, his views on the nation’s interests, the political system of the republic, the agreement with Moscow, relations with Russia, and his vision for resolving relations with Georgia.

Q: Let me begin with the obvious question, given your role in the recent events that led to Aslan Bzhania’s resignation and preparations for early elections. Do you have ambitions to run for the presidency of Abkhazia?

A: It’s premature to discuss that at this stage. We are waiting for the Central Election Commission (CEC) of the Republic of Abkhazia to officially announce the date for the early presidential elections. After that, I plan to hold several meetings with my supporters and like-minded colleagues to make a final decision.

I already have experience participating in the 2020 presidential elections, where over 35% of the population entrusted me with their vote. I also have ideas I would like to implement and see no compelling reasons to step back from the race for the highest state office. However, as I’ve said, no final decision has been made yet. My choice will be guided by what is best for the country.

+ Mass Protest in Abkhazia: Key Events of November 15

+ Adgur Ardzinba: ‘Bzhania Showed Us What a President Should Not Be’

+ Abkhazia’s Political Crisis Deepens Amid Protests and Counterclaims

"The Agreement Offered Nothing to the People of Abkhazia"

Q: In your opinion, what was the key trigger for the recent events?

A: It was the consistent actions of the former president, carried out throughout his term, which went against the interests of the Abkhazian people.

Q: Are you referring to the investment agreement?

A: That was the final straw in a long chain of misguided decisions made by Aslan Bzhania and his team.

At the same time, it is absurd to suggest, as some media outlets claim, most likely influenced by the ex-president's supporters or other adversaries, that we oppose Russian investments or, even more absurdly, the broader alliance between Russia and Abkhazia. That is a 100% lie and a deliberate provocation.

We already have domestic legislation on investment activity, which provides significant guarantees, benefits, and incentives for investors. These include zero rates on profit and property taxes during the payback period of an investment project, provided certain conditions are met regarding the investment amount, sector, and project location.

Furthermore, since 2011, there has been an agreement between the governments of Abkhazia and Russia on the promotion and mutual protection of investments. This is complemented by several other bilateral agreements with Russia in the field of socio-economic cooperation.

Thanks to this legal framework, a substantial number of successful investment projects with Russian capital are already being implemented in Abkhazia, including some involving major corporations. Russia is unquestionably Abkhazia’s primary investment partner, and among the top 10 private companies that are major taxpayers, almost all are linked in some way to Russian investments. This is highly beneficial and is something we fully support, as all these projects are conducted on clear, mutually advantageous terms.

However, the proposed agreement, which offered exclusive mega-privileges to a select group of large businesses, provided virtually nothing to the people of Abkhazia. Under its terms, investors would even be exempted from indirect taxes (such as VAT and customs duties), granted unrestricted rights to import foreign labour in unlimited quantities, and given unprecedented government guarantees against non-commercial risks, including compensation for losses.

Moreover, the prioritised sectors for foreign investment were defined arbitrarily and, in many cases, would have created unfair competition.

During the protests, Aslan Bzhania's nameplate was removed from the parliament and thrown into the garbage.

+ Asida Shakryl: "Why Are All the Benefits Reserved Exclusively for Foreign Entrepreneurs?

+ Protests in Abkhazia: Causes and Context, by Oleg Shein

+ Investment Incentives Agreement: Adgur Ardzinba Joins Growing Criticism

"Tourism Monopoly and Leadership Disconnect: Factors Behind Abkhazia’s Political Crisis"

For instance, the agreement posed a significant risk of monopolisation in the tourism sector, a cornerstone of Abkhazia’s economy. Tourism is one of the most competitive industries in the republic and a source of income for up to 70% of small and medium-sized enterprises, meaning it directly supports our people. The provisions in the agreement that granted land and infrastructure guarantees and privileges to investors were particularly concerning, given their sensitivity in Abkhazian society.

As you can see, there were many unanswered questions. We received no clear responses. I believe we will eventually audit this agreement for signs of corruption, as it was clearly designed to benefit specific companies whose ambitions exceeded the standard investment incentives and privileges we already offer.

In general, we welcome foreign investments, particularly those from Russia.

However, unlike the previous administration, we recognise the need to take substantial steps to improve the investment environment, not just on paper, but in practice. We still have outdated bureaucratic procedures for company registration, unlike Russia, which leads in providing streamlined public services through its multifunctional centres (MFCs). Problems with land registry remain unresolved, there are gaps in our legislation, and we face infrastructure limitations that need to be addressed.

Q: But weren’t there other, more obvious triggers that led to the crisis?

A: Dissatisfaction with the president’s policies had been building steadily. Failed projects, unfulfilled promises, unprecedented detachment from society, and actions that were questionable from a moral and ethical standpoint, all of this inevitably led to the crisis.

Much of what Bzhania did, including his authoritarian style, showed a disconnect from reality. Moreover, a significant portion of his time was spent outside the republic, on so-called working trips. During these trips, he was seen enjoying himself in expensive restaurants, golf clubs, exclusive parties, and so on, there is ample photographic and video evidence of this. Naturally, such behaviour was deeply resented by Abkhazian society. A head of state, the leader of a nation, simply cannot behave this way.

On November 15, protests erupted in Abkhazia against a Russian-Abkhaz "investment agreement" seen as a threat to local businesses and the republic's security.

"Reasonable Voices Convinced Bzhania of the Risks of Further Escalation"

Q: Symbolically speaking, we should probably recall the fence that appeared around the government quarter earlier this year. I have heard that it particularly irritated the people of Abkhazia.

A: Yes, our government has never distanced itself with fences before. It is entirely against the traditions of the Abkhazian people to erect large fences. If you travel through Abkhazian villages, you won’t see such things anywhere. The government should be accessible to the people. This notion contradicts our traditions of hospitality. In Abkhazia, there is no concept of an "uninvited guest." A guest is considered a gift from God. Accordingly, there should be no barriers separating the people from their government.

There’s a wonderful idea circulating in society, which I support: after completely dismantling this dreadful structure, we should preserve one section of the fence near the People’s Assembly—Abkhazia’s parliament—as a monument to the inadmissibility of attempts by any government to isolate itself from its people. It would serve as a warning for future generations, ensuring that this mistake is never repeated.

Q: I have heard one Abkhazian MP suggest that the influence of the executive branch should be reduced. What is your view on this?

A: There is certainly logic in that, and these ideas have been discussed in society for quite some time. They resonate with me as well.

We have a super-presidential republic, a structure that emerged during the 1992–1993 [Georgian-Abkhazian] war, when a strong executive branch was essential to confront the war, the blockade, and the military threat from Georgia. However, after Russia recognised our independence in 2008 and ensured our security from military threats, I believe it was time to reconsider the balance of powers between the executive and legislative branches.

Looking ahead, it might make sense to grant more authority to the People’s Assembly. This approach aligns better with the traditions of Abkhazian society and grassroots democracy. In our country, democracy isn’t just a formality, it’s a reality. Given that we’ve already experienced several political crises, it’s clear that we need to reform this model and move away from authoritarianism.

Bzhania’s authoritarian style of governance lacked public support. This was evident during the recent crisis, when opposition to him came not only from the opposition itself but also from a broad cross-section of society, including the highly respected Council of Elders of Abkhazia.

I’d like to remind you that in one of his final interviews, Mr. Bzhania made rather dismissive remarks about the Council of Elders and the necessity of considering their opinions in his decision-making. This further highlights his disconnect from reality and from fundamental traditions, such as the respect owed to one’s elders. And it wasn’t just the elders who opposed him, intellectuals and the youth also stood against him.

+ Council of Elders Proposes Parliament Postpone All Contentious Issues

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"Bzhania Ultimately Agreed to Negotiations"

Q: Despite his initially firm statements, Bzhania eventually agreed to a settlement.

A: Yes, it seems that reasonable voices within his circle were able to convey to him the risks of further escalation.

Q: Are you referring to an armed confrontation?

A: No, thankfully it didn’t come to that, but the risk always exists, as it does in any country.

Q: It’s worth noting that, apart from changes to key positions as per the agreements, much of the government remains the same. What does this signify?

A: The government is continuing to handle the essential functions necessary for the normal operation of the state until early presidential elections are held. At the same time, we have rebalanced the executive branch by appointing a new prime minister, which was one of the most important conditions of the negotiations. The goal is to stabilise the socio-political situation during the pre-election period and until a new government is formed in Abkhazia.

Q: I noticed that there are still State Security Service personnel around the government complex, but they haven’t used force or acted harshly.

A: People join Abkhazia’s security forces and army not for the money, they are motivated individuals, patriots. These people are part of our society; they have families and understand everything that’s happening. During the confrontation at the parliament walls on 15 November, there was a moment when the security forces simply stepped aside in the face of the crowd. Naturally, the use of force was never an option.

+ Sergey Markedonov: "Understanding Abkhazia’s Protests Requires Distinguishing Causes from Triggers"

+ Ardzinba to Zourabichvili: "Abkhazia Needs No Solidarity from Georgia" 

+ President Aslan Bzhania Agrees to Resign After Eight Hour Negotiations

"For All of Us, Russia Is a Strategic Ally"

Q: Some people in Abkhazia have told me they fear that Georgian citizens with Russian passports could gain the ability to own property here as a result of the investment agreement.

A: This is a matter for the state security agencies, which are responsible for conducting the necessary checks. That said, we are well aware of the threat posed by Georgian oligarchs trying to infiltrate our economy, especially given that Mr. Bzhania secretly brought certain Georgian deputies to Abkhazia and, according to our information, actively communicated with representatives of the Georgian diaspora in Russia.

It’s also worth remembering that Mr. Bzhania had no involvement in our people’s armed struggle during the 1990s war with Georgia. He only entered Abkhazian politics in 2010, after Russia recognised our independence.

"Reconciliation with Tbilisi: Actions Speak Louder Than Signals"

Q: Considering that you may soon play a role in shaping key decisions during this new phase of Abkhazia’s political life, what are your thoughts on reconciliation with Tbilisi, given the recent signals in that direction?

A: Signals are always welcome, but it’s actions that matter. We remember how former Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili spoke about the possibility of reconciliation just months before attempting to resolve the South Ossetia issue by force.

Now, the "Georgian Dream" party has been in power for quite a long time, since 2012, yet we’ve seen no concrete steps towards fundamentally resolving relations. For instance, there’s the so-called "Law on Occupied Territories," which creates significant obstacles for foreign investments, international economic relations, and the normal operation of businesses in our country. Repealing this law could be a good place to start.

Q: At the same time, Georgia has improved its relations with Russia, Abkhazia’s primary strategic ally. Could this provide a foundation for reconciliation?

A: Again, it’s necessary to look at actions. Yes, it’s true that Georgia hasn’t imposed sanctions on Russia, which is commendable in this regard. But recent history shows that its leadership is capable of making drastic political manoeuvres. Let me remind you that Georgia’s official stance, even under the ruling "Georgian Dream" party, and enshrined in its constitution, is one of European and North Atlantic integration.

Our nations, Georgia and Abkhazia, have been neighbours for centuries. Believe me, we understand each other well. That said, our position is clear: we are an independent state. Any steps toward reconciliation and normalisation of relations must begin with this simple recognition, an acknowledgment of historical and factual reality.

Q: Speaking of relations with Moscow, former President Bzhania hinted at an anti-Russian character in the opposition's actions. Are his claims justified?

A: Such statements, especially when made in Russian federal media, shocked us. The idea of anti-Russian sentiment in Abkhazia is absurd. This is proven by the daily interactions and ties at every level of society. Equally absurd is the notion that the opposition to former President Bzhania harboured anti-Russian sentiments during the recent crisis. It’s evident that Mr. Bzhania was merely trying to gain support from certain circles in Russia.

For all of us in Abkhazia, Russia is a strategic ally. This is further demonstrated by the active participation of Abkhazians in the most recent Russian presidential elections, where the majority of residents holding Russian passports, which is to say, the majority of Abkhazia’s population, voted for President Vladimir Putin and his policies. Consider this: how could anti-Russian sentiments exist in a country where the sitting Russian president received 94% of the vote?

So, to be clear, there were no anti-Russian elements involved in the recent events. What happened was entirely an internal political matter, rooted in the anti-people policies of former President Bzhania.