More About Abkhazia (Excerpt from a letter to A.P. Berge), by K. Chernyshev (1854)

This article, originally written by K. Chernyshev and addressed to A.P. Berge, provides a detailed account of Abkhazia's geography, social structure, and customs, as observed during the author’s year-long stay in the region. In addition to his impressions of Abkhazian social life, Chernyshev interprets certain issues, such as the role of women and religious beliefs, sometimes according to his own understanding. Although his comments are coloured by personal prejudices and sometimes lack of information, the article provides invaluable historical and ethnographic insights into 19th-century Abkhazia, offering a rare glimpse into its complex social structures and cultural practices. 

The article was first published in Newspaper Kavkaz (Кавказ (газета)) in October 1854, issues No. 81, 82, and 83, and has been translated into English by AbkhazWorld.

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More About Abkhazia
(Excerpt from a letter to A[dolf] P. Berge)

By K. Chernyshev
Newspaper Kavkaz, October 1854, No. 81, 82, 83.

Newspaper Kavkaz, 16 October 1854, No. 81.

Several months have passed since I left Abkhazia, where during my short stay, which lasted no more than a year, I managed to gather much interesting information about the geographical position of the country, as well as about the private life of its inhabitants. It has long been my sincere desire to share something from my diary with you. In issues 60 and 61 of the Kavkaz newspaper, I read, among other things, an article by Mr. Pushkarev titled "Abkhazia and the Abkhazians." It is this article that prompted me to write these lines without delay.

As I mentioned earlier, I lived in Abkhazia for only a year, but during that time, I had very close interactions with the Abkhazians. I discussed their way of life, morals, and customs with many of them, and it seems to me that Mr. Pushkarev has not introduced the readers of Kavkaz to the true native inhabitants of Abkhazia but rather to those who emigrated from Turkey after 1828 and settled along the Black Sea coast in Abkhazia. The author should not be blamed for this, especially since, due to his position in Sukhum-Kale, he had no contact with the true, native Abkhazians, and therefore could not become closely acquainted with their private lives.

One should never judge an entire people based on isolated incidents that occurred during a trip or from interactions with a few individuals, even if they are close friends.

In my opinion, Abkhazia is a country that has already emerged from the category of the wild lands of the Caucasian tribes but has not yet fully separated itself from them in terms of its way of life, character, and customs. It is, so to speak, a country where the seeds of civilised life have already begun to sprout, but where they have not yet borne the expected fruits, encountering obstacles at every step in overcoming deeply rooted and wild customs and the people's perspectives on life. It is a land where enlightenment, having cast its first light, faces a difficult battle with the darkness of ignorance, and where prejudices still prevail over reason. I will not dwell on the appearance of the Abkhazians. Their physical type and constitution clearly show that they have nothing in common with either the Mingrelians or other Transcaucasian tribes, while at the same time sharply distinguishing them from the other tribes of the Caucasus.

By his character, at first glance, the Abkhazian appears to have much in common with other tribes of the northeastern coast of the Black Sea. However, upon closer examination of both his private and public life, you will find a significant difference between them.

All the peoples inhabiting the Black Sea coast are bold, determined, proud of their freedom, enterprising, and capable of engaging in trade ventures. Acknowledging any authority over them, for example, is considered shameful for the Ubykh; yet, the Abkhazian, in contrast, has for as long as anyone can remember, recognised the authority of a single individual, whose will is unchangeable for him. The Abkhazian considers it shameful to engage in any kind of trade relations.

However, one should not assume that this recognition of the authority of a single person stems from the Abkhazians’ particular loyalty, attachment, or devotion to the ruling house. No, the reason must be sought in his family life, in the relationships between the different social classes of Abkhazia, in their public life, and finally in the very character of the Abkhazian, which is a consequence of that life.

Regarding religion, it can be said that the Abkhazians retain traces of the beliefs of all the peoples who once dominated their country. From the fusion of these different notions of God and faith, a strange, mixed, and obscure concept of the sanctity of their beliefs has formed in the soul of the Abkhazian. As a result, the moral condition of Abkhazia is at a low level. The Abkhazian is indecisive, suspicious, inconsistent, and mostly lives and acts for material gain.

As a result of this moral condition of the Abkhazians, an innumerable number of superstitious beliefs and practices of witchcraft have taken root among them. These remnants of underdevelopment hold sway over the Abkhazian, instilling both fear and reverence in him, as if they were sacred. From this stem his timidity, even cowardice, his caution, and his evasive submission before the stronger…

All the inhabitants of Abkhazia—whether Christian, Muslim, or pagan—believe in the folk tale that those who lie before the icon of St. George or the icons of the Pitsunda and Ilori monasteries will not escape punishment. These icons are accorded special respect, and they are even worshipped; this reverence, however, may stem from the strong authority once wielded by the ancient patriarchs of Abkhazia, who, according to popular tradition, ruled the land and were the terror of their neighbours.

Thus, not bound by any particular sacred notions about religion, marriage for the Abkhazian is merely a means to avoid the necessity of work. The Abkhazian admires his sons as heirs to his family line and takes pride in them, though he shows them no particular affection until they are strong enough to wield a weapon and ride a horse. Daughters are considered an unnecessary luxury, and he pays them no attention. A wife is nothing more than a slave; she receives no affection from her husband or sons, who, as soon as they are born, are taken from their mother's breast and raised in another household (See: Atalyk Fosterage  —Ed.), often even in their father’s land, which is why the Abkhazians are not familiar with feelings of love towards their parents. A wife has no right to sit beside her husband, nor to engage in conversation with him in the presence of guests, and when a third person is present, she does not even receive any instructions from him. Upon hearing her husband’s voice in the house, she already stands waiting for him like a servant, holds his horse, unsaddles it, and takes care of it. She is also responsible for all domestic and agricultural work.

*****

More About Abkhazia
(Excerpt from a letter to A.P. Berge)
(Continuation)

Newspaper Kavkaz, 20 October 1854, No. 82.

It is somehow strange to witness this degraded state of servitude for women and the despotism of the husband, while at the same time an inexplicable pride he displays before women. The Abkhazians protect their women in their homeland, taking pride in their virtue and beauty, and under no circumstances, nor for any amount of money, will they allow women or girls to leave the borders of Abkhazia. These beings, in their understanding, are closely tied to their homeland, which they love. The moral purity among wives is exceptional. Neither slavery nor hard labour can force a wife to forget her duty or be unfaithful to her husband. Adultery is rare, perhaps also because death at the hands of the husband inevitably awaits both the wife and her seducer; this is a sure trigger for an endless cycle of killings, driven by the deep-rooted sense of vengeance inherent in the Abkhazians, which is as strongly developed here as among other Caucasian peoples.

However, one must distinguish between the lives of Abkhazians based on their social status. A prince or wealthy nobleman indeed leads a life of laziness and inactivity; but a commoner works, and if despite his efforts he remains poor, it is not due to laziness, but because of the relationship between the lower and upper classes, where the latter plunders and impoverishes him, in accordance with customary law.

In Abkhazia, there are three main social classes: peasants, nobles, and princes. The peasants are divided into three categories:

1. Those who are obliged to provide a set income from their produce to the landowner; they bear no personal burdens themselves; these are somewhat akin to our obligated peasants.
2. Those who work the land of their master, owning none of their own; they perform all the tasks in the master's household, except for the most menial, and they correspond to our serfs and household peasants.
3. Those who have no right to bear arms and carry out all the menial tasks at the master’s household; these are slaves, whom the master has the right to kill, sell, or exchange. These slaves are either captured highlanders, individuals purchased from various tribes, often transported through Abkhazia for sale in Turkey, or former slaves from Turkey, or, finally, runaway Mingrelians who have settled in Abkhazia.

Besides these three types of peasants, there is a fourth group that resembles peasants but enjoys almost equal respect as the nobles: they are the inhabitants of the settlement near Souk-Su, the ancestral estate of the ruler of Abkhazia. Their duty is to serve the ruler's household, somewhat akin to his court retinue. Some of them even have peasants of their own and enjoy the rights of nobility.

Nobles – these are individuals with the right to own land and peasants. They bear no obligations, except the duty to appear armed when summoned by the ruler, for judicial matters and the defence of their homeland. Nobles enjoy income from their own land, as well as a portion of the revenue generated by their peasants. The origins of the Abkhazian nobility are quite obscure. They are either immigrants from various countries who, since ancient times, have earned special respect from the locals due to their wealth or personal merits, or they were granted this title by the ruler for loyal service to his house. The most powerful noble family in Abkhazia is the Margani. They still enjoy particular respect from the people and have significant influence over them. However, this influence would be much greater if not for the long-standing family feud between members of the Margani clan.

There are three types of princes in Abkhazia:

1. Ordinary princes,
2. Princes of the ruling Shervashidze house, and
3. The ruling prince himself.

The first, in addition to the rights of nobles, also have the right to own nobles, who serve them in the same way that peasants serve the nobles, except without personal servitude. The princes of the ruling house possess no property of their own and are entirely dependent on the favour and attention of the ruler of Abkhazia. They only enjoy external signs of respect from the people, such as having their garments kissed and other similar gestures. An exception is Prince Dmitry Shervashidze, who, as a descendant of the legitimate rulers of Abkhazia, owns both immovable and movable property, as well as his own princes, nobles, and peasants. Only in matters concerning the common affairs of the homeland does he depend on the ruler.

The Ruler is the absolute sovereign of Abkhazia: his word and intellect are law for the entire country. His influence on the people and neighbouring lands depends on his personal character and relations with those neighbours. It is his duty to judge and govern all Abkhazians according to existing customs. The ruler's power does not extend to the lives of his subjects, as the death penalty does not exist in Abkhazia. However, the father of the current ruler overstepped his authority by executing two princes from the Dzapsh-ipa family for disobedience and defiance. The people not only did not complain, but viewed this act as necessary. The once strong and influential position of this family was completely destroyed by the punishment inflicted on its members.

Each of the aforementioned social classes shows the proper respect towards one another; the younger ones earn the attention and protection of their elders, outwardly expressing their loyalty by all means. At the same time, when a prince, with a large entourage, honours a peasant by visiting him, consuming the entire year's supply of provisions, the peasant, knowing that neither he nor his family has anything left to eat, kisses the hem of the prince's Circassian coat (commonly referred to in English as the 'Cherkesska'; in Abkhaz: /akW'ymzhWy/ = акәымжәы́ —Ed.), while secretly hoping for the swift departure of the distinguished guest. This is how far things go in Abkhazia...

*****

More About Abkhazia
(Excerpt from a letter to A.P. Berge)
(Continuation)

Newspaper Kavkaz, 23 October 1854, No. 83.

To complement my brief outline of the character of the inhabitants of Abkhazia, it is necessary to cast a quick glance at the public life of the Abkhazians, the relationships between the various social classes, and to say a few words about their customs, songs, games, and so on.

The Abkhazians, living in separate houses scattered across the dense, impenetrable forests, gorges, and mountain peaks of their homeland, each lead their own isolated lives, independent of their neighbours. In Abkhazia, there is no continuous or visible form of public life.

As I mentioned earlier, the princes possess not only peasants but also nobles; however, this right does not grant them any particular strength or power (*). Every nobleman or peasant, having fulfilled his duty to his prince—that is, having paid him his due share of the land’s produce—considers himself completely independent from the prince and free in the way he lives, thinks, and acts. No other obligation binds the peasant to the noble or the prince, for whom he feels no special respect, as he sees that the prince is not distinguished from him in lifestyle, intellect, or rights in the eyes of the people. From this arises a peculiar mixture of pride, freedom of opinion and thought, and independence, alongside a degraded servitude when dealing with those of higher rank. While humiliating himself in the presence of someone of higher birth, offering every possible outward honour, in that person’s absence, he considers himself their equal.

(*) It is appropriate here to list the most important princely families in Abkhazia, based on their origin, influence, and status: Anchabadze, Ichol-shpa (? ―Ed.), Dzhaps-ipa (or Dzepšvili in Samurzakan), Morshani (Marshan[ia] / Amarshan ―Ed.), and Abanurkha (? ―Ed.) (or Emukhvari in Samurzakan). Among the noble families, the most prominent are: Margani (Margania ―Ed.), Laker-bey, Zvanbay (or Juan-bey) (Zvanba / (Жәанба) ―Ed.) , Ezhbav (or Unzh-bey) (Eshba/ (Ешба) ―Ed.), and Kert-Tao (Kertava ―Ed.).

Indeed, aside from differences in land rights, all social classes enjoy equal rights to freedom of opinion, action, and respect among the people. Individuals who have earned respect through personal merit, dignity, intelligence, or age and experience hold special influence. Thus, the voice of an elderly peasant carries more weight than that of a young, inexperienced prince.

In matters concerning the nation, no one holds a voice or authority; all decisions are made by the word and will of the ruler. However, even here, the ruler's power is not absolute. In cases of hostile actions or strained relations between the ruler and the neighbouring peoples of Abkhazia, the Abkhaz families living on the borders will never take up arms against them due to their familial ties. They would sooner sacrifice their homeland than participate in the devastation of the lands of their foreign relatives. Kinship and feudal connections in Abkhazia are as important as they are among other Caucasian tribes. For insult, violence, honour, injury, or death of a relative, the entire family takes up arms and exacts terrible vengeance upon the enemy or offender.

Blood feuds are as prevalent in Abkhazia as they are among other tribes, but in this country, they have their own nuances. For example, immediately after a murder, a blood feud can be halted by the intervention of other families if they offer to mediate the reconciliation. In such cases, the matter is then brought before the people's court for consideration.

The people's court is composed of judges selected by both sides, who are known for their eloquence, wisdom, impartiality, and good standing among the people. These judges are called mediators, and the trial itself is referred to as a mediator’s court. The greatest challenge for the mediators is to convince the hostile parties to agree on the choice of mediators and reconcile them to this selection. However, once this obstacle is overcome and the judges are chosen, the trial proceeds swiftly. Both opposing parties gather at a location chosen by the judges (usually a large clearing near Souk-Su, the estate of the ruler), where they are positioned at opposite corners, separated by the group of judges. The rival parties appear at court unarmed to prevent bloodshed in case the disputes become heated.

The mediators, standing in the middle, first summon the orator chosen by the accusers, who is obliged to present the entire course of the case in detail. Then, they listen to the defence. The orators must speak loudly so that both sides can hear the arguments and later make their rebuttals. These speakers typically draw their accusations and defences from the most distant times, inserting circumstances unrelated to the present case and sparing neither the honour nor the name of their enemies in their accusations. After hearing both sides, the judges dismiss the orators from their circle and deliberate alone, considering only the facts relevant to the current case. They then make a ruling, which is announced by the eldest mediator.

The announcement follows the same procedure: first, the elder mediator recounts the course of the case to the disputants, explains what the judges found worthy of attention and what was deemed irrelevant, and asks if either side has anything to add or if the mediators have overlooked anything. When they receive confirmation that everything has been said and there is nothing further to add, the mediator-orator delivers the court's opinion and ruling. There is no appeal against the mediators’ decision; their judgment terminates the right to vengeance and precludes any further appeal to the ruler.

In the event of a disagreement between the mediators, one of them presents the case to the ruler, who resolves their dispute. This disagreement is not disclosed to the disputing parties, and all deliberations of the judges remain secret until the matter is settled. This is how all civil, legal, and criminal cases are resolved. However, one must distinguish the composition of the mediator’s court. Ordinary civil and legal disputes are handled by judges selected solely by the disputing parties. However, more serious criminal cases, such as those concerning the ownership of immovable property, are heard by mediators approved by the ruler. Major criminal cases and those involving blood feuds are judged by mediators from the most prominent princely families, as well as elderly nobles and peasants, with the ruler personally presiding.

There are several forms of punishment for crimes:

1. A monetary fine (which may be paid with agricultural produce, horses, cattle, etc.):
   a) in favour of the innocent party acquitted by the court, and
   b) in favour of the ruler (for theft),
2. Loss of freedom,
3. Imprisonment in chains, and finally,
4. Exile from the homeland (a form of political ostracism, similar to that of the ancient Greeks).

Notably, theft, which is regarded as a form of bravado among other Caucasian peoples, is considered a vice in Abkhazia and is severely punished. A thief must repay the owner three times the value of what was stolen and, in addition, pay a fine of one hundred roubles to the ruler. This strict measure once resulted in theft being rare in Abkhazia. However, in recent times, this vice has increased, precisely because traditional Abkhaz laws have generally begun to lose their strength. Remarkably, it is not the lower classes but rather the upper echelons of society who engage in theft. These individuals, lacking sufficient means to support themselves and viewing labour as shameful, turn to theft to provide for their families.

If there is no clear evidence to convict the accused, the judges resort to oath-taking. This custom has existed since ancient times, but due to an unclear and obscure understanding of the sanctity of the oath, it has lost much of its power. Today, people still believe in oaths taken before the image of St George, the icons of the Pitsunda and Ilori churches, and before the icon of the Mother of God, housed within the trunk of an oak tree (at Cold River, near Bombora [Gudauta –Ed.]). The sanctity of this oak is held in such high regard by the people that even the ruler does not have the right to seize by force an unarmed person who has taken refuge under the oak's branches and sought protection from its holy icon.

The wedding customs of the Abkhazians are very thoroughly and engagingly described by Lieutenant Colonel Solomon Zvanbay (known in Abkhaz as Zumbay) (Zvanba  / Жәанба ―Ed.) in his pamphlet, "A Kiss Behind the Curtain," which was published in one of the issues of the Kavkaz newspaper in 1853.

Hospitality is held in high regard in Abkhazia, much like it is among other tribes of the Caucasus. The difference lies in the fact that the Abkhazians, being somewhat avaricious, will only sacrifice their lives for a guest while the guest is under their roof. Once the guest leaves the shelter of their house, the host is the first to be ready to take the guest’s life. An exception is made only when the host offers to act as the guest’s guide; in that case, having taken responsibility for the guest’s safety, an Abkhazian would never stain his honour with treachery or violate the custom of hospitality.

While hospitality has its admirable qualities, it is not without its negative aspects. It is like a hidden rock upon which all the efforts of the government, and even the authority of the ruler, can be shattered. Despite any threats or orders from the ruler, an Abkhazian will never betray a criminal, condemned by both our laws and even Abkhazian customs, if the criminal has sought refuge under the roof of even a former peasant. According to the customs of the people, handing over a guest would brand the host with universal disdain.

As I mentioned earlier, among the other punishments for crimes in Abkhazia, there exists a custom akin to Greek ostracism—exile from political life. This custom means that all relatives refuse the obligation of blood vengeance for the individual who is exiled; everyone is ashamed even to respond to insults with insults or vengeance. People avoid conversation and even meetings with the exiled individual. However, the outcast retains the right to hospitality, though this must seem worse than open legal persecution. Every host, during meals, seats the outcast at a separate table in the corner of the house. After the outcast has eaten, the table is washed in his presence, and the remnants of his meal are thrown to a dog, while saying, "From one dog to another." If the outcast spends the night, the host, in his presence, burns a scrap of felt or burka on which the outcast slept, openly showing their contempt and disdain at every meeting or word.

This exile continues until a compassionate individual is found, one who takes the outcast under their protection and personally guarantees to the exiled person’s relatives their reformed behaviour and sincere repentance. Then, the outcast is once again accepted into society, reinstated in their rights, and reclaims their former family name.

Folk songs and melodies of the Abkhazians are exceptionally sombre and monotonous. Abkhazian songs typically consist of improvisations by some seasoned and experienced brave man, who recounts the bravery, raids, and sea piracy of their ancestors, glorifies the courage and power of one of their living compatriots (I often heard the names Katso-Morgani and his son Omar), while others chant in a booming, monotone, and entirely non-harmonious voice: "Ora, ora, orari, ora!" These words have no direct meaning in the song and can be translated as: "Climb, climb, just keep climbing!"

This refrain characterises the wild Abkhazian, raised in the forests and never forgetting them. The Abkhazian dance is similarly monotonous, wild, and evokes a sense of melancholy. There are no traces of grace or agility. It consists of jumping, after which the dancer stands on their toes; the music is replaced by the mournful and wild refrain of "ora" and clapping of hands. Occasionally, sharp clicks remind one of the character of an untamed, wild highlander. Only men participate in these entertainments. The women of the wealthy spend their days in seclusion, while the women of the poor endure hard labour.

There are no particularly notable folk games. Occasionally, the Abkhazians shoot at a target, wrestle, and throw a heavy stone with one hand, trying to hurl it as far as possible beyond a set mark.

K. Chernyshev 
Tiflis, 6th October 1854

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Suggested Reading

Peter Parkes, Milk-kinship in Southeast Europe. Alternative Social Structures and Foster-relations in the Caucasus and the Balkans, Offprint from Social Anthropology 12.3, 2004.

Sh[alva] D[enisovich] Inal-Ipa, Abxazy (Istoriko-Ètnograficheskie Ocherki). Vtoroe Pererabotannoe, Dopolnennoe Izdanie [Sh[alva] D[enisovich] Inal-Ipa, The Abkhazians (Historico-Ethnographical Essays). Second Re-worked, Expanded Edition], Sukhum(i), 1965.

Sh[alva] D[enisovich] Inal-Ipa, Voprosy Ètno-Kul’turnoj Istorii Abxazov [Sh[alva] D[enisovich] Inal-Ipa, Questions of the Ethno-Cultural History of the Abkhazians], Sukhum(i), 1976.

Sh[alva] D[enisovich] Inal-Ipa, Ocherki po Istorii Braka i Sem’i u Abxazov [Sh[alva] D[enisovich] Inal-Ipa, Essays on the History of Marriage and Family among the Abkhazians], Sukhum, 1954.

Sh[alva] D. Inal-Ipa, Vospitanie Rebenka po Obychaju Atalychestva u Abxazov [Sh[alva] D. Inal-Ipa, Rearing a Child according to the Custom of Atalychestvo (Fostering) among the Abkhazians], Xerox from Trudy ABIJaLI [Works of Abkhazian Institute for Language, Literature and History], XXVI, 1955.

Sula Benet, Abkhasians. The Long-living People of the Caucasus, 1974.

Carla Serena, Excursion au Samourzakan et en Abkasie, 1881.

Carla Serena, Excursions in the Caucasus. From the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea 1875-1881, New York-London-Tbilisi, 2015.