From Mountain Republic to Georgian Occupation: Abkhazia’s Struggle for Statehood (1917–1918), by Stanislav Lakoba

In the book Ответ историкам из Тбилиси (документы и факты) (English: 'A Response to Historians from Tbilisi: Documents and Facts'), Abkhazian historian Stanislav Lakoba addresses key issues in Georgian-Abkhazian relations. Drawing from extensive research and historical documentation, Lakoba deeply explores the complexities of historical narratives and their impact on modern conflicts. The first response from this book was published on AbkhazWorld under the title Rewriting History? A Critique of Modern Georgian Historiography on Abkhazia (pp. 3–7). The second chapter was published as Challenging Georgian Narratives (Response 2): A Further Exploration on Abkhazia (pp. 7-18). Below, you will find the third response from the same book (pp. 18–28).

One of the most contentious periods in the history of Georgian-Abkhazian relations is the years 1917-1921, a period that has been extensively researched. A prominent figure addressing this complex political issue, both in its historical and contemporary dimensions, is the historian A. Menteshashvili. Several other Georgian scholars, albeit with varying academic standards, have also dedicated this topic, among whom U. Sidamonidze, A. Surguladze, as well as L. Toidze, D. Gamakharia, and others, stand out.

For instance, A. Menteshashvili and L. Toidze argue that Abkhazia has always been part of Georgia, and claim that following the Russian Revolution of 1917, Abkhazia was supposedly granted autonomy within the Georgian state on 9 February 1918. Later, according to the “agreement” of 8 June 1918, Abkhazia allegedly became an autonomous part of Georgia. Consequently, the deployment of Georgian troops into Abkhazia in the second half of June 1918 is presented not as an act of occupation and annexation, but as a defence of Georgia’s territorial integrity, justified by the need to combat the Bolsheviks, pro-Turkish forces, and Denikin’s army (L. Toidze. pp. 292-293; A. Menteshashvili. p. 266).

At this point, a brief digression is warranted. Menteshashvili, for example, seriously contends that the 1904 transfer of the Gagra climatic station under Prince A.P. Oldenburg from the Sukhum district to the Sochi district of the Black Sea Governorate, extending to the right bank of the Bzyp River, “blatantly violated the territorial integrity of Georgia, particularly Abkhazia” (p. 259). This claim is entirely ahistorical, as in 1904, the area in question fell under the jurisdiction of only one state – the Russian Empire. At that time, Georgia, having lost not only its statehood but also its name in 1801 (only regaining its statehood on 26 May 1918), and Abkhazia, which had been stripped of its statehood in 1864 (restored on 11 May 1918 within the federation of the Mountainous Republic), were both part of the Russian Empire as governorates and districts. Therefore, to suggest that Georgia’s territorial integrity was violated in 1904, when it was not even a state, is simply absurd. Moreover, the reference pertains to the Gagra region of present-day Abkhazia, which had no connection to Georgia.

So, what was happening in Abkhazia in 1917-1918?

Following the events of February and October 1917, which destabilised and ultimately disintegrated Russia as a unified state, Abkhazia joined the Union of United Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus (UUMPC), where its interests were represented by Minister S. Ashkhatsava.[23] At the Congress of the Abkhaz People held in Sukhum on 8 November 1917, a Parliament was established (notably, earlier than the Georgian one) – the Abkhaz People’s Council (APC). The congress also adopted crucial documents: the “Declaration of the Congress of the Abkhaz People” and the “Constitution of the Abkhaz People’s Council”.[24] Significant contributions to the adoption of these documents, which affirmed the "self-determination of the Abkhaz people," were made by the chair of the congress and the first chair of the APC, S. Basaria, the primary speaker A. Sheripov, Princes A. Shervashidze and T. Marshania, and other notable figures of the Abkhaz intelligentsia, including M. Tsaguria, D. Alania, and Mih. Tarnava. The Declaration of the Congress prudently stated that “every nation must diligently safeguard its rights and interests from encroachments on its freedom,” adding that "the Abkhaz people are confident that their brothers – the mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan – will support them in defending their rights.”

Simon Basaria (1882–1941), a prominent political figure of the Mountain Republic, the first chairman of the Abkhaz People's Council (November 1917 – May 1918). Executed in December 1941. Prison photo.

+ Correspondence between Simon Basaria and Haydar Bammat

+ Abkhazia and Georgia on the Verge of Independence (1917-1921), by Cem Kumuk

+ Georgian policy towards Abkhazia in the period 1918-1921, by Vadim Mukhanov 

+ The Republic of the Union of Mountain Peoples, Abkhazia, and Soviet Policies: A Historical Analysis

+ Circassian Identity and a Historic Document Presented to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919

It is noteworthy that Aslanbek Sheripov, a representative of the Abkhaz Parliament and of Chechen descent, spoke at the opening of the first Georgian Parliament – the National Council of Georgia (NCG), which convened in Tiflis on 19 November 1917. “I am delighted,” he declared, “to have the great honour of conveying warm greetings to you on behalf of the Abkhaz People's Council. The Abkhaz people, who are part of the Union of United Mountaineers, congratulate the beautiful Georgia on its first steps towards national self-determination... The Abkhazians, who have united with their northern brothers, are confident that they will soon meet with the noble Georgian people in a common union of all the peoples of the Caucasus. In this future union, the Abkhaz people see themselves as equal members of the Union of United Mountaineers.”[25]

Contacts between the representatives of the Abkhaz and Georgian parliaments continued amidst a highly complex military-political situation in the Caucasus in general, and in Abkhazia in particular, where the threat of a Bolshevik coup loomed large. Despite the difficult circumstances, representatives of the APC, who had travelled to Tiflis for a meeting with the deputies of the National Council of Georgia, declared on 9 February 1918 that they sought political independence for Abkhazia, “maintaining only neighbourly relations with Georgia, as with an equal neighbour.”[26] In light of this declaration, A. Menteshashvili reluctantly acknowledges that the APC delegation, led by A. Shervashidze and including Colonel R. Chkhotua, N. Margania, B. Tsaguria, and M. Emukhvari, primarily held "right-wing nationalist positions" (p. 262). Meanwhile, representatives of the NCG, including A. Chkhenkeli, K. Meskhia, G. Gvazava, P. Sakvarelidze, and N. Kartsivadze, vehemently opposed Abkhazia’s inclusion in the Union of Mountaineers of the Caucasus.

On 8 November 1917, the same day the Congress of the Abkhaz People commenced, former deputy of the 4th State Duma of Russia and Social Democrat Akaki Chkhenkeli, along with other Menshevik leaders, arrived in Sukhum. "It seems," wrote one of the participants, Mikhail Tarnava, "that they had been informed of the upcoming unification of Abkhazia with the North Caucasian state of the mountaineers and came specifically to prevent this union. Chkhenkeli likely expected success, given his popularity in Abkhazia as its representative in the State Duma. Representatives of the Mountainous Government were also present at the congress, besides Sheripov, who was already actively involved. Another notable attendee was Semen Mikhailovich Ashkhatsava... Intense debates ensued during the congress, with two opposing factions emerging. The Georgian delegates sought to align Abkhazia with Georgia, while the North Caucasians advocated for its inclusion in the North Caucasus... Despite Chkhenkeli's efforts to steer the Abkhazians away from such a resolution, he ultimately failed to prevent the congress from deciding to join Abkhazia with the North Caucasian Mountainous State. This decision was indeed passed by a majority, although, as in the case of the church question, the Gal population leaned towards Georgia and threatened to secede from Abkhazia if it did not unite with Georgia."[27]

A similar situation involving the Gal population, with the overt backing of A. Chkhenkeli, who had close ties to Samurzakan, was almost identically repeated at the meeting in Tiflis on 9 February 1918, as noted by A. Menteshashvili. In reference to Samurzakan at that time, the historian rather misleadingly states – "now the Gal district of Abkhazia, populated entirely by Georgians" (p. 263). Indeed, that is the case today. However, it is not populated by ethnic Georgians, but by Mingrelians. As for 1918, at that time, this region of Abkhazia was largely inhabited by a mixed Abkhaz-Mingrelian population, among whom the Abkhazians were increasingly being de-ethnicised “through the process of Georgianisation (Mingrelianisation)” of its residents.[28] Therefore, it is unsurprising that A. Chkhenkeli, a prominent political figure of the time, supported by the Samurzakan leadership, including Social Democrats and Princes Arzakan (Dmitry) Emukhvari, Lado (Vladimir) Emukhvari, and M. Emukhvari, who were Abkhazian only by heritage, openly sought to pressure the Abkhaz delegation with the artificially exaggerated issue of Samurzakan. However, it was not in Georgia’s interest to exacerbate the situation to extremes, as at that time Samurzakan was predominantly under Bolshevik influence, led by P. Dziga, as later events confirmed.

The political manoeuvring undertaken by A. Chkhenkeli ultimately failed. A close look at the text of the Agreement, which consists of three points and has been published multiple times by A. Menteshashvili,[29] is sufficient to confirm this. For clarity, I will reproduce the points here:

1. To re-establish a unified, indivisible Abkhazia within the borders from the River Ingur to the River Mzymta, which would include Abkhazia proper and Samurzakan, or what is now the Sukhum district.
   The future political structure of Abkhazia shall be determined according to the principle of national self-determination at the Constituent Assembly of Abkhazia, convened on democratic foundations.
2. Should Abkhazia and Georgia wish to enter into political agreements with other national states, they mutually agree to hold preliminary negotiations with one another before doing so.[30]

This document, therefore, only raised the issue of equal relations between Abkhazia and Georgia, while the second point explicitly refers to "national self-determination," meaning the right of the Abkhaz people to their own statehood within the borders of Abkhazia.

Despite this, a number of Georgian historians (A. Menteshashvili, L. Toidze, G. Zhorzholiani, D. Gamakharia, and others) have drawn the rather peculiar conclusion that from this moment onward, "Abkhazia was granted broad autonomy within Georgia."

+ Abkhazia, Georgia and the Caucasus Confederation, by Stanislav Lakoba

+ Samurzakanians or Murzakanians by Simon Basaria

+ On the Political and Ethnic History of Myrzakan (Samurzakano) in the 19th Century, By Denis Gopia

+ General Mazniashvili and the 1918 Occupation of Abkhazia

+ Pre-Soviet Abkhazia: Russian Imperialism, Makhadzhirstvo, and Menshevik Georgia

Firstly, the document contains no mention of autonomy whatsoever. Secondly, on 9 February 1918, Georgia had not yet been declared an "independent republic" and, along with Armenia and Azerbaijan, remained part of Russia. How could Georgia grant autonomy to Abkhazia when Georgia itself, as a state, did not yet exist, and Abkhazia remained a member of the Union of Mountaineers of the Caucasus? Thirdly, the Agreement explicitly states that "the future political structure of a unified Abkhazia" was to be determined by the Constituent Assembly of Abkhazia.

The agreement was one of equal standing, making A. Menteshashvili’s comment about the Abkhazian delegation – "they were left with no other option" (p. 263) – quite perplexing. They certainly did not find themselves in such a position. Regarding the complex circumstances in Abkhazia and the surrounding region during that period, it can be confidently stated that the situation in Georgia, due to the looming threat of Turkish occupation, was far from better—it was, in fact, catastrophic. As a result, the representatives of the National Council of Georgia (NCG) were eager to sign any agreement with the Abkhaz People's Council (APC).

"It would seem," remarks A. Menteshashvili with frustration, "that after the agreement of 9 February, the Abkhaz leaders firmly adopted a pro-Georgian orientation, yet... their actions at the Batumi Conference in May 1918 indicate that, relying on the ruling circles of Sultanate Turkey, A. Shervashidze, along with the mountaineers of the North Caucasus, sought to realise the project of creating a Caucasian Confederation, in which the Abkhazians would enter independently." Furthermore, they succeeded in this, as confirmed by a secret letter from 28 May 1918 from German General von Lossow to the Georgian government (p. 264).

While this is accurate, it remains unclear why the Georgian historian is so displeased, or why he assumes that, following the Agreement, the Abkhaz leaders were expected to "adhere to a pro-Georgian orientation." In fact, their actions were fully in line with the decision of the First Mountainous Congress, which had already outlined the "contours of national ideology" back in May 1917. This decision ultimately led, a year later, to the proclamation of the independence of the Republic of the Mountaineers of the Caucasus (Mountain Republic). According to the minutes from the first session of the Batumi International Peace Conference (at that time Batumi was under Turkish control) held on 11 May 1918, delegations from Germany, Turkey, the Transcaucasian Republic, the mountaineers of the North Caucasus, and Dagestan were present.[31] At this conference, APC deputies A. Shervashidze, T. Marshania, S. Basaria, and others addressed the Turkish government, stating that "Abkhazia does not wish to join the group of Transcaucasian peoples, but aligns itself as part of the North Caucasian union of mountaineers."[32]

On 11 May 1918, the independence of the Mountain Republic was declared, a state that included Abkhazia along with Dagestan, Chechnya, Kabarda, Adygea, and other regions.[33] The Mountain Republic gained international recognition, supported by Turkey and with the involvement of Germany and Austria-Hungary.

Following the establishment of the Mountain Republic, the Transcaucasian Federation (Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, ZDFR) disintegrated. On the same day, 26 May 1918, under the ultimatum of Turkey, the Democratic Republic of Georgia was proclaimed, followed shortly by the declarations of the Azerbaijani Republic on 27 May and the Armenian Republic on 28 May.

This period in the history of the Caucasus is referred to as the "Caucasian May," and one proclamation of the time stated: "While anti-national forces of Bolshevism were wreaking havoc in Russia, the idea of healthy national statehood triumphed in the Caucasus."[34]

In the Act of Independence of Georgia, it is stated that the country was proclaimed independent on 26 May 1918. However, the Act did not specify the borders of Georgia. The first rough sketches of these borders were outlined by a particularly interested party – German General von Lossow – in the aforementioned letter of 28 May 1918. The General was determined to ensure that "Germany would assist Georgia in securing its borders."[35]

Georgian historians L. Toidze (pp. 291-292), D. Gamakharia,[36] and others often highlight the fact that the Act of Independence of Georgia was signed by V. Shervashidze, A. Emukhvari, V. Gurdjua, I. Pashalidi, and D. Zakharov at the time. But how did this really occur? As is well known, these individuals only became deputies of the Constituent Assembly of Georgia under the Social Democratic Party list in the spring of 1919. The new Georgian parliament, which convened in Tiflis on 12 March 1919, confirmed the Act of Independence of 26 May 1918, and it was at this time that the aforementioned "representatives of Abkhazia" signed the document.

However, firstly, they did not sign on 26 May 1918, as many authors conveniently omit, but on 12 March 1919, by which time Abkhazia had already been occupied by Georgian forces, and the Abkhaz Parliament had been dissolved twice (in August and October 1918). Secondly, they did not sign as representatives of Abkhazia or the Abkhaz people, who had boycotted the elections to the Georgian Constituent Assembly, but as members of the regional branch of the ruling Georgian Menshevik Party. Thirdly, this was a clear attempt to manipulate historical facts, with Tiflis using its proxies to retroactively tie Abkhazia to Georgia as of 12 March 1919. Fourthly, on 26 May 1918, Abkhazia was not part of the territory of the Georgian Republic, as it had been part of another state – the Mountain Republic – since 11 May 1918, a state which, regrettably, lasted only a year.

The fact that Abkhazia was beyond Georgia’s jurisdiction is further evidenced by the very nature of the documents signed by the representatives of these countries. Another crucial detail is clear: had Abkhazia been a part of Georgia, there would have been no need for Georgia to conclude "agreements" and "treaties" or engage in negotiations as if with a foreign state. Yet, these actions did indeed take place.

References

23. Soyuz obyedinennykh gortsev Severnogo Kavkaza i Dagestana (1917–1918 gg.), Gorskaya respublika (1918–1920 gg.) [Union of the United Mountain Peoples of the North Caucasus and Dagestan (1917–1918)]. Dokumenty i materialy. Makhachkala [Mountain Republic (1918–1920). Documents and Materials]. Makhachkala, 1994, pp. 4–5, 134.
24. TsGAA [Central State Archives of Abkhazia]. F.I-39, d.1, l.1.
25. TsGVIA [Central State Military Historical Archive of the Russian Federation]. F.1300, op.1, d.130, l.135 (verso).
26. Tsit. po state: Menteshashvili A., Surguladze A. Tol'ko fakty i dokumenty // Literaturnaya Gruziya [Cited from the article: Menteshashvili A., Surguladze A. "Only Facts and Documents" // Literary Georgia]. 1989. No. 11, p. 146.
27. Tarnava Mikh. Vospominaniya [Tarnava Mikh. Memoirs].
28. Anchabadze Z.V. Ocherk etnicheskoy istorii abkhazskogo naroda [An Essay on the Ethnic History of the Abkhaz People]. Sukhum, 1976, pp. 89–90.
29. Literaturnaya Gruziya. 1989. No. 11, p. 146; Menteshashvili A. Iz istorii [From History], p. 11.
30. TsGAA [Central State Archives of Abkhazia]. F.I-39, d.6, ll.22–23.
31. Dokumenty i materialy po vneshney politike Zakavkaz'ya i Gruzii [Documents and Materials on the Foreign Policy of Transcaucasia and Georgia]. Tiflis, 1919, pp. 312–313.
32. Istoriya Abkhazii [History of Abkhazia], p. 291.
33. Ahmet Hazir Hızal. Kuzey Kafkasya [The North Caucasus]. Ankara, 1961, p. 143.
34. Severny Kavkaz (Varshava) [The North Caucasus (Warsaw)], 1937, No. 37, p. 13.
35. Avalov Z. Nezavisimost' Gruzii v mezhdunarodnoy politike 1918-1921 gg. [The Independence of Georgia in International Politics, 1918–1921.] Paris, 1924; New York, 1982, p. 68.
36. Vestnik Gruzii. 1991. 29 marta; Gamakharia D., Chania V. “Okkupatsiya Abkhazii”: mif i real’nost’? [The “Occupation of Abkhazia”: Myth and Reality?] // Svobodnaya Gruziya. 1991. 27, 30 aprelya, 1, 2, 3 maya. See also responses: Lakoba S. // Abkhazia. 1991. 19 maya – 18 iyunya. No. 21–24; Yedinenie. 1991. No. 3, 5.